Update Monday evening: Well that was jumping the gun a bit, wasn’t it? I’ll leave this post up as a reminder that I can get it spectacularly wrong as well as right.
In thinking about selection of the next Speaker of the House of Commons today, my thoughts immediately turned to the career of Earl Warren, the legendary US Chief Justice who served from 1953 to 1969. Prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court Warren had been Republican Governer of California in the 1940s, Republican Vice-Presidential candidate in 1948 and had run to be the Republican candidate for US President in 1952, eventually withdrawing from the nomination race in favour of General Dwight Eisenhower, apparently having been promised appointment to the Supreme Court.
Eisenhower made good on a deal and Warren became Chief Justice in 1953. Warren was a Republican and as Attorney General in Califonia had a reputation for being tough on crime and had vigorously supported the notorious policy of internment of Japanese citizens during the Second World War. Eisenhower fully expected to have appointed a conservative Chief Justice, saying “he represents the kind of political, economic, and social thinking that I believe we need on the Supreme Court…. He has a national name for integrity, uprightness, and courage that, again, I believe we need on the Court”.
As it turned out the Warren court was one of the most liberal (in the American sense, meaning left-leaning) in history. Among its landmark decisions were
- Brown v. Board of Education (1954), which banned the segregation of public schools;
- Miranda v. Arizona (1966), which required that certain rights of a person being interrogated while in police custody be clearly explained, including the right to an attorney (even now referred to as “Miranda Rights”).
- Loving v. Virginia, (1967), which allowed inter-racial marriage, over turning the Racial Integrity Act of 1924.
During the turmoil of the civil rights movement and the counter-cultural revolutions of the 1960s, the Supreme Court under Earl Warren was a thoroughly progressive force, radically reinterpreting the US Constititon for the modern age. President Eisenhower is said to have considered the appointment of Earl Warren as “the biggest damned-fool mistake I ever made.”
Although they are the pinacles of different branches of government in different countries and constitutional systems, there is one key similarity between the post of Speaker of the House of Commons and the US Chief Justice. They are essentially ‘for life’ appointments. It is extremely rare that for the Speaker to be removed from office. Hapless Michael Martin was only the second speaker in the history of Parliament to be forced to resign and the House is extremely unlikely to repeat the performance with his successor. The upside of for-life appointments is that the holder of the post is absolutely free to do what he believes to be right. The downside is that the holders of for-life posts can ‘go native’ and if they do, there’s very little that can be done about it.
Eisenhower chose Warren because he thought he would advance a conservative agenda in the Supreme Court. It is said that the campaign by the Labour whips to have Margaret Beckett elected Speaker is because they expect her to be a loyalist who will resist the clamour for root and branch reform of Parliament: changes that are likely only to reduce the formal (and informal) powers of the whips (both government and opposition) to exert control over MPs and run the business of the House. It’s said that Mrs Beckett is the only canditate who has not to endorsed plans to remove the powers of patronage from the Whips’ Offices — so that MPs, rather than party whips, would choose the chairmen of select committees.
It’s fair to say that since 1997 Margaret Beckett has shown herself to be a Labour loyalist and a ’safe pair of hands’. She has at various times under Blair and Brown been appointed as ‘Minister for the Today Programme’ and has performed well in this role. It’s true that as Foreign Secretary, she appeared to lack interest in international affairs and didn’t gel with the Foreign Office mandarins, but apart from that, most observers would say she has been among the most competent of Labour cabinet ministers. Observing her countenance in recent years, it’s very hard to think that she backed Tony Benn against Denis Healy in the extremely divisive contest for deputy leader in 1981.
Re-elected to Parliament in 1983, having lost her seat in 1979, she moved from the hard left towards the reformist centre-right of the Party and became a core member of a reformist ’slate’ in the shadow cabinet elections of the late 1980s and 1990s that comprised those who would become the core of the cabinet of Labour’s first term. The success of this slate is among the proudest political achievements of Nick Brown, the current Labour Chief Whip, and leading backer of Beckett for the role of Speaker. I worked for Nick as a parliamentary researcher (1994-97) and a Special Adviser (1999-2001). It is said that Nick began pushing the idea of Beckett as Speaker quite some time ago and that the recent Ministerial reshuffle freed her to run for the job.
Their political friendship probably dates from 1994 when Nick ran her (doomed) campaign for Leader of the Labour Party. I don’t think she really ever expected to win but having served as acting leader for three months after the death of John Smith she thought it was the right thing to do to run for the job and believed it was important that at least one of the candidates was a woman. When Tony Blair was elected Leader, Mrs Beckett was appointed shadow Health Secretary and Nick her deputy (a posting he occasionally referred to as ‘the gulag’). As a junior staffer on Labour’s health team for 12 months I was able to observe Mrs Beckett at close quarters. I found her incredibly civil, very well-organised and possessws of a thoroughness bordering on the forensic. She didn’t suffer fools and I can say that I’ve never met someone as gifted at running brisk and efficient meetings. As Nick once put it to me, ‘a class act’.
I remember one time when I did have a little bit of an argument with Mrs Beckett, at a dinner at Labour party conference. I had recently recently returned after two years in the United States at UC Berkeley, and was lamenting the near-dicatatorial powers of “the Crown in Parliament’ and arguing for greater powers for the legislature. She argued that at general elections the British people elect governments and governments ought to be able to get their programmes through parliament. It is an intellectually coherent position and, from the perspective of a Minister of the Crown, a very ‘loyal’ one too. Intellectual coherence and loyalty are two of Mrs Beckett’s strongest suits.
It is obvious to me that Mrs Beckett has the sharpness of mind (and of tongue) to command the respect of the House in way that Michael Martin never really could. She also knows right from wrong, which is not something that could always be said of Speaker Martin. Speaker Beckett could be relied up on to broker a solid cross-party deal on expenses and to clean up the current mess.
But the most important question is this: in the role of Speaker, would Mrs Beckett show her first loyalty to Government or to Parliament? At things stand, it’s a minority view, but my intution tells me it will be the latter. If she is keeping her reformist powder dry, it’s because she knows that before anything, she has to get herself elected. As a Minister, though undoubtedly a safe pair of hands, she never really ‘branded’ any new policies as her own. It’s hard to look at any of the achievements of the last ten years and say “that’s what Margaret Beckett did”. She lacks the ego to indulge in so-called Legacy Shopping (which, on balance, is to her credit) but she’ll be very much aware that becoming speaker is always a final job for a politician. Active at the highest levels in politics for more than four decades, this will be her last chance to leave her mark. If the Labour and Tory whips are thinking that Mrs Beckett is a ’status quo plus’ candidate who will be good enough to sort out the expenses mess but ultimately will not seek to reassert Parliament’s role in the governing of the country, they could be in for a surprise. They woud do well to remember Earl Warren.




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